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CEPSFORGS Pgina 1 11/03/2010

Algumas consideraes sobre a

situao mulher no meio rural da

encosta superior do Nordeste do

Rio Grande do Sul

A vinda de imigrantes para a regioda Encosta Superior do Nordeste do

Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, no ltimo

quartel do sculo XIX esteve

fortemente vinculada fixao

desses trabalhadores e trabalhadoras

ao meio rural. Oriundos em sua

maioria de regies rurais da Europa,

ao virem para o Brasil enfrentaram

enormes dificuldades, pois foram

jogados a prpria sorte em parcoslotes rurais. Essas propriedades que

receberam tiveram que ser pagas.

Em conseqncia a subsistncia das

famlias ficou presa aos resultados

das colheitas, feitas essas

inicialmente em condies precrias

e sem nenhum suporte das

autoridades brasileiras. Nesse

contexto dos primrdios da ocupao

das terras, toda a unidade familiarficou presa as atividades rurais.

Homens, mulheres e crianas

trabalhavam de estrela a estrela na

faina pela sobrevivncia. Nos

perodos de entressafra qual o

costume na Europa os homens saiam

para trabalhar no Porto de Rio

Grande, nas minas da Regio

Carbonfera e em trabalhos pblicos

(aberturas de estradas, construo depontes, etc.). Ficavam em

conseqncia as mulheres tendo que

dar conta de todo os afazeres da

propriedade. As mulheres em sua

maioria analfabetas j na Europa

viram seus filhos crescer ou nascer

no Brasil tambm enfrentando amesma situao. Consta que dentre

os imigrantes homens a maioria tinha

algum tipo de escolarizao, mesmo

os que vieram das comunas rurais da

Europa. Nesse particular, tanto

Imprio, quanto Repblica foram

totalmente omissos. Nas Vilas do

meio urbano, os poucos professores

ensinavam em italiano e eram

particulares, conseqentementepoucos tiveram acesso a algum tipo

de instruo. Desde o inicio da

imigrao as mulheres do meio rural

executavam tarefas auxiliares

junto ao esposo na lide diria das

culturas e, alm disso, cuidavam de

todas as tarefas domsticas,

denominadas inferiores ou tpicos de

mulher, obviamente imprprias

para homens, as quaiscompreendiam tarefas no cultivo de

hortas e pomares, criao de animais

de pequeno porte tais como: patos,

marrecos, gansos, galinhas, porcos,

cabras, ovelhas, vacas leiteiras,

mulas, eventualmente uma junta de

bois, etc. Nas tarefas triviais se

inclua parir a prole, sempre

numerosa, criar e educar os filhos e

mais dar conta das tarefasdomsticas, como cozinhar em forno

FORGSFederao Operria do Rio Grande do Sul

Textos&

Dados

CEPSCentro de Estudos e Pesquisa Social

Nmero 06


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CEPS FORGS Pgina2 11/03/20102

a lenha, lavar e passar, obviamente

tudo de forma braal. Em regra as

roupas de uso da famlia eram feitas

costuradas em casa a noite a luz

do candeeiro pela me, av ou filhas

j crescidas. Muitas foram s

famlias, leia-se em sua maioria

mulheres e crianas que cultivavam

o linho e teciam panos e cordas

grosseiros na roca caseira. Os

feriados, dias chuvosos, sbados e

domingos encontraram a mulher

rural executando alm das tarefas do

cotidiano, trabalhos que visavam

adiantar os servios para os dias

favorveis de tempo bom, junto

lavoura maior (carpa, colheita,

adubao, podas, etc.). Debulha de

milho, abate de animais domsticos,

preparo de conservas, feituras de

chapus de palha, so algumas das

muitas tarefas destinadas ao sexo

inferior. As filhas desde a mais

tenra idade alm de receberam toda

uma capacitao para a execuo

das tarefas domsticas,

acompanhavam os demais familiares

com uma enxada, ancinho, foice ou

faco entre outros utenslios

agrcolas ao ombro e

conseqentemente participando do

plantio e colheita dos produtos

agrcolas com empenho e denodo

quais os homens da famlia. Por

outro lado, a gerncia de toda a

economia da unidade agrcola

(Colnia) ficava a cargo do homem

ao qual cabia naturalmente se

apropriar de todos os valores

auferidos com a produo. Um

exemplo tpico dessa situao

esdrxula dessa diviso sexual do

trabalho que a mulher competia

tratar os animais domsticos, tirar o

leite, lavar o vasilhame para esse,lev-lo at a estrada, onde

eventualmente o leiteiro o recolhia,

ou elaborar com a leitaria queijos ou

coalhadas (puna), por outro lado

receber os valores da venda do leite,

manteiga ou coalhada cabia

exclusivamente ao homem. O

nascimento de uma filha, no seio da

famlia rural, era visto com reservas.

A preferncia era por um varo, o

qual manteria o nome da famlia,

algo sobejamente valorizado na

chamada Regio Colonial do Rio

Grande do Sul. As mulheres tambm

ficavam tolhidas do direito de

herana, costume esse largamente

aceito tanto no meio rural quanto

urbano da regio constituda por

elementos de origem latina. Os bens

da raiz eram destinados a um dos

filhos, o qual, via de regra, assumia o

compromisso tcito de zelar e prover

na velhice de seus ascendentes, regra

essa em todos os tempos

problemtica e no raro

descumprido. Mais de uma vez

restou para filha ou nora deserdada

do direito de propriedade ter que

arcar com o sustento de pais ou

sogros idosos e doentes. No

bastasse o fardo laboral e da absoluta

falta de lazer, pois a freqncia da

mulher rural a festas profanas,

sobretudo bailes era vedado pela

Santa Madre Igreja, constituindo

fator de desonra para a moa, isso

extensivo aos familiares, que se

aventurasse eventualmente a

comparecer a esse tipo de

acontecimento. Os Padres difundiam

a idia de que era pecado a

realizao de bailes. Nas cidades da

Encosta Superior, formadas em sua

maioria por imigrantes, desde os

primrdios existiram clubes sociais e

recreativos, logo se observa que aIgreja teve menor influncia nesse


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particular, no obstante, a boa

famlia catlica, devia tambm se

abster de comparecer. No interior,

meio rural, a situao em muitas

comunidades a conduta foi

controversa, pois em algumas,

poucas comunidades defendeu-se o

direito da realizar bailes e

custodiadas pelos pais e irmos as

moas puderam comparecer. Pode

que mesmo a tenha prevalecido o

objetivo da famlia de arranjar

marido para a filha que era vista

como um estorvo dentro de casa, do

que se garantir algum parco

momento de lazer. Festas a Igreja

realizava as pencas com o fim de

angariar fundos, onde mais uma vez

as mulheres trabalhavam horas a fio

sem nada receber. Nas oraes,

cultos e celebraes a mulher

participava de modo isolado dos

homens (apartados no linguajar

gacho) mesmo no recinto do

templo. Aps as celebraes de

cunho religioso, com ou sem a

participao de Sacerdotes, os

homens se dirigiam para local a eles

exclusivamente destinado. L

bebiam, jogavam cartas, bochas e

bolo entre outros entretenimentos

salutares. As mulheres

naturalmente deviam retornar aoseio protetor do lar e

obrigatoriamente ao trabalho. Para se

unir em matrimnio era exigido da

mulher um dote que ela mesma devia

constituir com redobrado esforo,

pois no podia descurar das outras

tarefas que lhe competiam no seio da

famlia patriarcal. Com a

participao das avs, mes e irms a

moa em seus anos iniciais de

juventude (no poucas com 15 ou 16

anos j estavam casadas e comfilhos), mesmo ainda sem ter

pretendente, comeava a executar

tarefas extras como o fabrico de

queijos, licores, gelias, biscoitos,

massas e pes caseiros, embutidos,

criao de codornas e coelhos, entre

outros produtos de origem colonial,

com o fito de ao vend-los no meio

urbano, juntar uns trocados que lhe

permitissem migrar da condio de

moa de boa famlia para a de esposa

submissa, trabalhadeira e portadora

de um dote. Dote esse constitudo

dos trens de cama e mesa. As mais

aquinhoadas por vezes traziam para

o novo lar uma vaca leiteira e at

uma mquina de costura, tornando-se

com isso uma elogivel referncia.

Por dcadas as cidadessob o ponto

de vista legal as cidades da regio

receberam inicialmente a

denominao de Vila, embora

tivessem Conselho e Intendente - da

Regio Colonial viram cruzar nas

suas ruas e avenidas mulheres do

interior bastante queimadas do sol,

carregando no lombo de uma mula

seus produtos coloniais, diga-se de

passagem, largamente aceitos e

muito mais baratos que os vendidos

na cidade, com o fim de conseguir

juntar uns trocados que entregues aos

pais, iriam lhes possibilitar constituir

o modesto dote. Muitas vezes foram

estes trocos que tambm garantiram

a sobrevivncia da famlia, quando

da perda de uma safra ou pela

notria e costumeira falta de

pontualidade nos pagamentos dos

produtos maiores como trigo, milho,

centeio, cevada e a uva por parte dos

comerciantes das cidades. Fato que

tambm merece considerao e ainda

dos primrdios a cedncia pelo pai

de filhas para executar tarefas

domsticas emcasas de famlia

,tanto do meio urbano quanto rural.


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Para esta trabalhadora a paga estava

no fato de receber um prato de

comida. Eventualmente se recebesse

algum tipo de pagamento este era

entregue diretamente a seu

progenitor. No caso particular de

Caxias do Sul, onde o processo de

industrializao j trescalara razes

ainda nos primeiros anos da

imigrao e conseqente formao

da Vila a mulher do meio rural

tambm recebida para trabalhar

como operria. As poucas

informaes disponveis relatam que

o costume era pela preferncia das

solteiras. Na Metalrgica Abramo

Eberle inicialmente a mulher que

optava pelo matrimonio devia se

desligar do emprego. Nos anos 20 ou

um pouco antes este costume

deixado de lado se que chegou a se

generalizar, pois os industriais

observam que a mulher casada

continuava produtiva. O processo

acelerado de industrializao da

regio, o esgotamento produtivo das

terras em face da explorao sem

critrios dos solos, prtica da coivara

e a falta de terras em vista da

necessidade legal da partilha com

todos os membros da famlia,

enfraquecem bastante este modelo,

fazendo que o meio urbano regional

passe a ter mais moradores que o

meio rural. Os costumes introjetados

no meio rural da Encosta Superior do

Nordeste do Rio Grande do Sul

ainda tm sedimentos nesse ano de

2010, embora j distantes dos anos

70 do Sculo XIX quando a

imigrao se solidifica na regio. A

mulher das comunidades rurais,

agricultora ou dona de casa, ainda

vive em estado parcial de submisso

aos valores patriarcais, ajudatambm a reproduzi-los e com as

migraes regionais do sul em

direo ao norte, observadas no

Brasil e em pases limtrofes como

Paraguai e Bolvia, se verifica seu

espraiamento, pois milhes de

gachos vivem em outros locais.

Caxias do Sul, 11 de maro de 2010.


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Some considerations on the

situation of women in rural areas

of the upper slope of the Northeast

of Rio Grande do Sul

The arrival of immigrants to the

region of the Upper Slope of the

Northeast of Rio Grande do Sul,

Brazil, in the last quarter of the

nineteenth century was strongly

linked to the establishment of

working men and women to rural

areas. Mostly coming from rural

regions of Europe, when coming to

Brazil they faced enormous

difficulties, because they were in just

a few small lots. These properties

they have received had to be paid.

As a result the livelihood of families

stuck to crop yield, made initially in

poor conditions and without any

support from the Brazilian

authorities. In this context of the

early occupation of the land, the

entire family unit stuck to the rural

activities. Men, women and children

worked from star to star in toil for

survival. In the periods between

harvests as custom in Europe men

went off to work at the Port of Rio

Grande, in the mines of Coal Region

and public works (opening roads,

building bridges, etc.).. Women, in

result, would have to handle all the

affairs of the property. Women were

mostly illiterate in Europe saw their

children grow or be born in Brazil

also facing the same situation. It is

reported that among most immigrant

men had some kind of schooling,

even those who came from the rural

communes of Europe. In this

particular, both the Empire and

Republic were completely missing.

In the urban villages, the fewteachers taught in Italian and were

paid and, consequently, few have

had access to some type of

instruction. Since the beginning of

immigration, women of rural areas

performed helper tasks with the

husband to the daily work of cultures

and also took care of all the

household chores, so-called lower or

women typical, obviously "unfit for

men," which were tasks in the

cultivation of vegetable gardens and

orchards, creation of small animals

such as ducks, geese, chickens, pigs,

goats, sheep, cows, donkeys,

eventually oxen, etc.. In the

mundane tasks that included giving

birth to offspring, always numerous,

raise and educate their children and

give more care of household chores

such as cooking over a wood fire,

washing and ironing, of course

everything by hand. In general, the

clothes of family use were made -

knitted - at home, at night, in the

light of lamp by the mother,

grandmother or grown daughter.

Many were the families, mostly

women and children who grew flax

and wove cloth and ropes in the

home rock. In the holidays, rainy

days, Saturday and Sunday found

rural women in addition to

performing daily tasks, performed

works that sought to "advance"

services to the days of favorable

weather, with the largest crop

(weeding, harvesting, fertilization,

pruning, etc.). Corn threshing,

slaughter of livestock, preparation of

canned food, makings of straw hats,

are among the many tasks for the

"inferior sex." The daughters from an

early age as well as all received a

"training" for the performance of

household chores, followed therelatives with a hoe, rake, scythe or


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machete and other farming

implements in the shoulder and

therefore participating in the planting

and harvesting of agricultural

products with commitment and

boldness as the men of the family.

On the other hand, the management

of the entire economy of the

agricultural unit (Colony) was

charged to the man to whom it was

natural to be appropriate of all

amounts received with the

production. A typical example of this

odd situation of sexual division of

labor is that women were obligated

to treat cattle, milk the cows, rinse

the bottle to the milk, take it up to

the road, where the milkmen

eventually picked up the milk, or

produce with the milk, cheese or

curds (cagliata), on the other hand

receive the values of the sale of milk,

butter or curd was only in charge of

the man. The birth of a daughter,

within the rural family, was viewed

with reservations. The preference

was for a man, which would keep the

family name, something widely

appreciated in the called Colonial

Region in Rio Grande do Sul.

Women were also curtailed the right

of inheritance, custom widely

accepted both in rural and urban

region constituted of elements of

Latin origin. The earth goods were

destined for one of the children,

which as a rule, took the implied

commitment to ensure and provide in

the old age of his parents, a rule at

all times problematic and often

breached. More than once left to the

daughter or daughter-in-law

disinherited of property to have to

accept to take care of the elderly and

ill parents or parents-in-law. Itwasnt sufficient the burden of labor

and total lack of leisure, because the

frequency of rural women to profane

festival, especially dances were

forbidden by the Holy Mother

Church, and was a factor of shame

for the girl, what extends to family

members, who eventually ventured

to appear in this type of event.

Priests spread the idea that the

holding of dances was a sin. In the

cities of the Upper Slope, formed

mostly by immigrants, from the

beginning there were social and

recreational clubs, then we observe

that the Church had less influence in

this regard, however, a good

Catholic family, should also refrain

from attending. In the inland, rural

area, the situation in many

communities the practice was

controversial because in some few

communities was defended the right

of perform dances by parents and

siblings of girls could attend. It may

have prevailed even then the goal of

the family to "get" a husband for

their daughter who was seen as a

nuisance at home, than to ensure a

scant leisure time. The Church

performed very many festivals in

order to raise funds, where once

again women worked long hours

without receiving anything. In

prayers, worship and celebrations

women participated in isolation from

men (separated in the gaucho

language) even in the precincts of

the temple. After the celebrations of

religious nature, with or without the

participation of priests, the men went

to places exclusively for them. There

they drank, played cards, bocce and

sweepstakes among other

wholesome entertainment. The

women "naturally" should return tothe safe bosom of the home and


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compulsorily to the labor. To unite in

marriage the woman was required to

give a dowry that herself should

have made with redoubled effort,

because she could not overlook the

other tasks that were her duty within

the patriarchal family. With the

participation of grandmothers,

mothers and sisters the girl in her

early years of youth (not a few with

15 or 16 years old were married and

with children), even without yet

having suitor, began to perform extra

tasks as the production of cheeses,

liqueurs, jams, biscuits, homemade

pasta and bread, cold cuts, creation

of quail and rabbits, among other

products of colonial origin, with the

aim of selling them in urban areas, to

add some money to enable her to

migrate of the condition of good

family girl to the of submissive and

hardworking wife and owner of a

dowry. The dowry was constituted of

the bedding and tableware. The

richest ones sometimes brought to

the new home a cow and even a

sewing machine, making it thereby a

commendable reference. For

decades, the cities - under the legal

point of view the region's cities had

originally the name of village,

although they had the Council and

Mayor of the Colonial Regional

saw passing in its streets and

avenues lots of sun burnt interiors

women , carrying on the back of a

mule its colonial products, tell by the

way, widely accepted and much

cheaper than those sold in the city, in

order to be able to gather some

money that delivered to their parents

would allow them to constitute the

modest dowry. Many times this little

money that also ensured the survivalof the family, when the loss of a crop

or by the notorious and habitual

tardiness in making payments for

larger products such as wheat, corn,

rye, barley and grapes by the

merchants of the cities. Fact that also

deserves consideration and still is of

the early times is the transfer by the

father of daughters to perform

domestic tasks in houses of families,

both urban and rural areas. For this

worker the payment was in fact a

plate of food. Eventually if she

received some type of payment it

was delivered directly to her father.

Especially in Caxias do Sul, where

the process of industrialization has

increased still in the early years of

immigration and consequent

formation of the village, women in

rural areas were also received for

working as a factory worker. The

limited information available reports

that the preference was of single

women. In the Metalrgica Abramo

Eberle initially the women who

opted for marriage should be off of

the job. In 20 years or a little before

this practice was overlooked if it

came to be generalized, because the

industries pointed out that married

women were still productive. The

accelerated industrialization of the

region, the depletion of productive

land in face of exploitation without

criteria of the soil, the practice of

coivara (a heap of half-burned

brushwood gathered for final

burning) and lack of land in view of

the legal necessity of sharing with all

family members, weakened this

model, making urban region having

more residents than rural areas. The

customs introjected in the

countryside of Upper Slope of

Northeast of Rio Grande do Sul stillhave deposits in 2010, although the


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