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THE FORMAL EXPRESSION OF MARKEDNESS
A Dissertation Presented
by
PAUL V. DE LACY
Submitted to the Graduate School of theUniversity of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
September 2002
Department of Linguistics
Copyright by Paul V. de Lacy 2002
All Rights Reserved
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THE FORMAL EXPRESSION OF MARKEDNESS
A Dissertation Presented
by
PAUL V. DE LACY
Approved as to style and content by:
______________________________________________Prof. John J. McCarthy, Chair
______________________________________________Prof. Mark H. Feinstein (Hampshire College)
______________________________________________Prof. John C. Kingston
______________________________________________Prof. Alan S. Prince (Rutgers University)
______________________________________________Prof. Elisabeth O. Selkirk
______________________________________________
Prof. Elisabeth O. Selkirk, Department HeadLinguistics Department
DEDICATION
In memory of my brother.
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xix
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
1. Symbols in tableaux
The winning formA incorrect/unattested winning form
A form that never wins in any grammar
2. Feature classes
K dorsal (velar, uvular, pharyngeal)P labial (bilabial, labio-dental)T coronal (dental, alveolar, postalveolar, retroflex, (palatal))
glottal [ h N]
[vd] The feature [voice][N] The placeless (glottal) nasal (Trigo 1988, see ch.55.3)
3. Prosodic Categories
MoraFt Foot SyllablePrWd Prosodic Word
MiP Minor PhraseMaP Major PhrasePPh Phonological Phrase
IP Intonational Phrase
UttP Utterance
4. Other symbols
| | encloses a scale (e.g. | dorsal coronal |)|| || encloses a ranking (e.g. || ONSET MAX || )
x y constraint x outranks constraintyx,y the ranking of constraintx andy is indeterminatex refers to all elements on a scale that are equally or more marked thanxx refers to all elements on a scale that are equally or less marked thanx{} in a constraint, encloses a set of scale elements (e.g. IDENT{KP})
/ / Encloses an input form
[ ] Encloses an output form
1 subscript numerals mark correspondence relations: /a1/[i1] indicates that input /a/corresponds to output [i].
M(x>y) a markedness constraint that favoursx overy (i.e. assigns fewer marks tox thany).M(t>k) stands for a markedness constraint that favours [t] over [k]
F(x>y) a faithfulness constraint that preservesx without preservingy. F(t>k) preserves /t/but not /k/.
M(x) a markedness constraint that assigns a violation to [x]F(x) a faithfulness constraint that preserves the mapping /x/[x].
xx
Designated Terminal Element of. The terminal element that is associated to byan unbroken path of prosodic heads.
- non-Designated Terminal E lements of. All elements in that are not s DTE.
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PART I
THEORY
28
CHAPTER 2
THEORY
2.1 Introduction
This chapter presents a theory of scale-referring markedness and faithfulnessconstraints and discusses its relation to previous proposals. Three relatively independentissues provide the organization for the presentation for this theory.
(1) Issues(a) Markedness
(i) In what way do scale-referring markedness constraints assign violations?(ii) What are the structural descriptions of scale-referring markedness
constraints?(b) Faithfulness
(i) In what way do scale-referring faithfulness constraints assign violations?(ii) What are the structural descriptions of scale-referring faithfulness
constraints?(c) Structure
(i) Which scales can/cannot combine with structural elements?
(ii) With which structural elements may scales combine?
Section 2.2 deals with the way in which scale-referring constraints assign violations
their violation profiles (1ai, 1bi).Section 2.3 deals with the structural description of scale-referring constraints i.e.
their symbolic form (1aii, 1bii). This section deals with the representation of scales as
multi-valued features.Section 2.4 deals with constraints that combine scales and structural elements. This
section claims that only prosodic scales ones that refer to non-subsegmental properties
like tone may combine with structural elements to form constraints (1ci). A precisecharacterization of the structural elements with which scales combine is also provided(1cii).
Section 2.5 summarizes the theoretical proposals and outlines how the rest of thisdissertation provides evidence for them.
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Paul de Lacy
51
Proposal: Prosodic scales must combine with structural elements in constraints;Featural scales cannot do so (2.4).Related Proposal:
Scale-referring constraints may only refer to the structural elements DTE andnon-DTE.
Proposal: Scale-reference is consistent across constraint types. (2.5)Leads to:
Faithfulness to the Marked: If a faithfulness constraint preserves a scale element,then it also preserves every more marked scale element.
The following chapters examine the empirical consequences of the proposals presentedabove.
Chapter 3 is devoted to showing that the ranking of scale-referring markednessconstraints is freely permutable. This result necessitates that they be in a local harmonicbounding relation. Chapter 4 aims to show that reference to both DTEs and non-DTEs is necessary. Chapter 5 provides an extended discussion of scale-referring faithfulness constraints. Chapters 6 and 7 present evidence for the Marked Reference hypothesis, showing that a llscale-referring faithfulness constraints preserve the most marked element. Chapter 8 provides evidence that faithfulness constraints must be freely rankable. Chapter 9 presents a summary of the proposals and their empirical consequences.
PART II
MARKEDNESS
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Paul de Lacy
high tone, while non-heads attract low tone. For example, Kim (1997) shows that every
Major Phrase in Korean must contain at least one high tone, and that no other high tones
are permitted. The constraints *'MaP/L and *-'MaP/H must outrank tone-faithfulness to
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161
pachieve this result. Similarly, the phonologically assigned (i.e. default) intonational tune in
the Polynesian language Maori is H*L- on every Major Phrase (Bauer 1993).80 This can be
explained if *'MaP/L and *-'MaP/H are employed in this language. See de Lacy
(1999a5.2, 2003) for related discussion.
80If declarative intonation is assumed to be the phonological default (phonologically assigned) tonal melody,
the tone-prominence constraints explain why the most common pattern is H*L%, with a high tone on thehead of a MajorP/IntonationalP.
PART III
FAITHFULNESS
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The formal expression of markedness Appendices
(4) Voiced stops: Harmonically complete inventories
b d Onset Inventory
DiyariNambiquara
Sioux Valley (Santee)Xavant Macro-J
JurunaLueEfik
NhandaCatalanHarar OromoKewa
(5) Voiced stops: Gapped inventories
b d Onset Inventory
CherokeeWapishana
Ayutla Mixtec
(6) Voiced fricatives: Harmonically complete inventories without Glottal Elimination
x f s h Coda Inventory Onset Inventory
Peninsular Sp. dialects [x fs h]Fox [h]~[s h]ons
Rapanui [h]Kapingamarangi [h]Boror Macro-Je
Chiracahua Apache [s
h]~[s x h]ONS
Chipewyan
[s h]~[s xh]ons
Chamicuro [s]ONS
Cayapa [f s h]ONS
Stoney [ s h]Gujarati [s h]
Attic Greek [s h]
Tunica [s h]
Sikaiana
Kipe Macro-JeK h [ h]
Paul de Lacy
(7) Voiceless fricatives: Harmonically complete inventories with Glottal Elimination
x f s h Coda Inventory Onset Inventory
Lamani [s h]ONS
Apatani [x s h]ONSSouth GreenlandicNambiquara [f in loans]ForeJuruna
English[f s ]~[f s (h)]ONS4
Catalan [f s ]East Futuna [f s]Asmat [f s]Samoan [f s]Boazi [f s]
Seri [ w x f s ] Mordvin (Erzya) [x f sj s]
(8) Voiceless fricatives: Gapped inventories
x f s h Coda Inventory Onset Inventory
Peninsular Spanish (Coria)[x f s h]
Lakkia [x f h]
- Tsishaath Nootka [ x s h]
Teton [x s h]Sentani [x s h]Yokuts (Yawelmani)Masset HaidaMongorSuiMataco-Noctenes [xw s h]Apatani
- MaoriEast UveaTokelauGuat Macro-Je
Sentani
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498
Kashaya [s h]
Abau
Florentine Italian SpirantsMaltese [f s h]
Yte Macro-Je [f s h]
Yanomam [f s h]
Finnish
Egyptian Arabic [ f s h] Harar Oromo [x f s h]BretonGermanSomaliKarok
499
- -
Tshishaath Nootka
[ xs ]~[ h xs ]
Mataco-Noctenes [xw sh]ons
Yuma [xw x s ]
Mansi [x s sj]
KhalkaAtayalKwaioFuzhouKhanty [x s sj]
4 [h] appears PrWd-initially (e.g. [ri{h b l teit}] rehabilitate) and in stressed syllable onsets ([vih kj l ]
vehicular), but not elsewhere (cf [vi kl] vehicle).
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The formal expression of markedness Appendices
(11) Nasals: Harmonically complete inventories with Glottal Elimination
m n N Coda Inventory Onset Inventory
Tzutujil [m n]Lardil [n or homorg]~[ m
n]Castilian Spanish [ m n]
Uradhi [ m n n]ONS
Ngawun Mayi [n ]~[m
Nambiquara [m in loans]Konkani
-9 Harar Oromo [m n ]
Tsishaath Nootka [m n]
Gujarati [m n] (cod=[m n N])
Jununa TupSikaianaFore
NZ English [m n]ONS
Tol (Jicaque) [m n]ONSNunggubuyuNhandaWalmatjari
Maori
(12) Nasals: Gapped inventories
m n N Coda Inventory Onset Inventory
{See entry for [ m n N]}
{See entry for [ m n N]}
Caribbean Spanish
{See entry for [ m n N]}
Nunggubuyu [ m n ]
Cayapa [ m n ]ons10
Cantonese secret language
Paul de Lacy
(13) Glides: inventoriesNote: [G] is the velar glide
G w j Coda Inventory Onset InventoryNunggubuyu [w j]ONS Mordvin (Erza)
NunggubuyuTenango Otomi
Mansi [j w]ONS Aguaruna
Axininca Campa- -
- MaoriKaraj
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502
9The rarity of onset [ ] is probably responsible for the lack of examples with onset [ m n] and coda [m n].
10 Word-initial [ ] is banned, but can appear in medial onsets.
503
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The formal expression of markedness Appendices
Mataco-Noctenes Claesson 1994
Mordvin Uralic Zaicz 1998Nambiquara Nambiquaran Kroeker 1972
Nancowryreduplicants
Mon-Khmer Rhadakrishnan 1981, Alderete et al.1999
Nantong Chinese Sino-Tibetan Ao 1993
Nganasan Uralic Helimski 1998, Olga Vaysman (p.c.)
Nhanda Pama-Nyungan Blevins 2001Nunggubuyu Gunwingguan Heath 1984:17ffPendau Indonesian Quick 20002.4.1
Peninsular Spanish Romance Morris 2000
Pichis Asheninca Arawakan J.Payne 1990
Piro Arawakan Matteson 1965Samoan Polynesian Mosel & Hovdhaugen 1992
Sentani Trans-NewGuinea
Foley 1986:59, Hargus 1988
Seri Hokan Marlett 1981
Sioux Valley(Santee)
Siouan Shaw 1980:17
Slave (Hare) Athapaskan Rice 1989South Greenlandic Eskimo Swadesh 1946
Stoney Siouan Shaw 1980:21
Tahitian Polynesian Coppenrath & Prevost 1974
Taiwanese (secretlanguage)
Sino-Tibetan Li 1985
Tamil Dravidian Vasanthakumari 1989
Tenango Otomo Aztecan Blight & Pike 1976
Teton Siouan Shaw 1980:16
Tigre Semitic Raz 1983
Tiriy (Trio) Carib Parker 2001
Tongan Polynesian Churchward 1954
Tshishaath Nootka Wakashan Stonham 1999
Tbatulabalreduplicants
Uto-Aztecan Voegelin 1935, Alderete et al. 1999
Paul de Lacy
Yanomam - Aikhenvald & Dixon 1999
Yokuts(Yawelmani)
Penutian Newman 1944, 1946
Yucatec Mayan Mayan Lombardi 1991
Yuma Hokan Halpern 1946
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506
reduplicantsTunica - Haas 1946
Tup Tupi Rodrigues 1999b
Tzutujil Mayan Dayley 1985:38
Uradhi Pama-Nyungan Hale 1976, Crowley 1983
Vanimo Sko Ross 1980:78ff
Walmatjari Pama-Nyungan Hudson 1978
Wayana Carib Jackson 1972Wichita Caddoan Garvin 1950
Yamphu Tibeto-Burman Rutgers 1998
507
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Paul de Lacy
Zec, Draga (2000). Multiple sonority thresholds. In T.H. King and I.A. Sekerina (eds.)The 8th Annual Workshop on Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics. Ann Arbor:Michigan Slavic Publications, pp.382-413.
Zec, Draga (to appear). Prosodic weight. In Caroline Fry and Ruben van de Vijver(eds.) The syllable in Optimality Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Zee, Eric (1985). Sound change in syllable-final nasal consonants in Chinese.Journal ofChinese Linguistics 13.2: 291-330.
Zhang, Jie (2000). The effects of duration and sonority on contour tone distribution -
typological survey and formal analysis. Doctoral dissertation, University ofCalifornia at Los Angeles.
Zoll, Cheryl (1998). Positional asymmetries and licensing. Rutgers Optimality Archive#282.
Zonneveld, R.M. van (1985). Word rhythm and the Janus syllable. In Harry van derHulst and Norval Smith (eds.) The structure of phonological representations.Dordrecht: Foris, pp.133-140.
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540
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